The fight for the Larzac | southern france occitania

18 February, 2025

The fight for the Larzac: A Ten-Year Struggle

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The Fight for the Larzac: A Ten-Year Struggle

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Summary

The Fight for the Larzac refers to a social and political struggle that took place in southern France in the 1970s, centred on the Larzac plateau. The conflict began when the French government proposed to expand a military camp in the area. The Larzac plateau, known for its rugged landscape and traditional farming communities, was chosen as the site for a larger military training camp, which would have required the eviction of many local farmers.

The proposed expansion of the military camp in 1971 sparked outrage among the local population, particularly the farmers, who feared the loss of their land and livelihoods. What began as a regional protest quickly evolved into a broader movement, as activists, intellectuals, and environmentalists from across France and around the world joined the cause. The Larzac resistance was characterised by strong anti-militarism, environmentalism and an emphasis on preserving the rural way of life.

The protesters, often led by farmers, initially faced strong opposition from the government, which tried to justify the base expansion as necessary for national security. However, the movement gained momentum through non-violent resistance tactics, including land occupations, mass demonstrations where thousands of people from all over France set up temporary camps on the disputed land, and political lobbying. The protesters also won the support of trade unions, left-wing political parties, and progressive groups, helping to turn the struggle into a symbol of wider opposition to government policies seen as privileging military interests over local communities and environmental protection.

In 1981, after 10 years of protests and public pressure, the French government eventually abandoned the expansion of the Larzac military camp. The victory was a significant moment in the history of French social movements, demonstrating the power of grassroots activism to challenge state authority. The Larzac victory remains a landmark example of successful resistance against government plans that threaten local communities and the environment.

If you find this story interesting, please read on and sign up for our bike tour in the Larzac. The article is fairly comprehensive and is about a 30 minute read.

Introduction

In 1971 109 farmers from the causse du Larzac (Larzac plateau) mounted a resistance against the expropriation by the French government of their land. This political, economic, social and environmental struggle against an arrogant French state lasted 10 years.

In 1902, the government had created a 3,000 hectares military training camp in the causse du Larzac, a plateau in the Aveyron department in Occitania in southwestern France. For a time that was sufficient for military needs.

Starting in 1939, the Larzac camp was used as a detention centre: initially for Spanish Republicans (former soldiers who fought against Franco in the Spanish Civil War), then for 1000 German soldiers imprisoned from 1945 to 1948, and finally for Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) prisoners (from 1959 to 1962). After this, the camp returned to its original purpose as atraining centre for the French army.

This “calm” was shattered in October 1970 when André Fanton, then Defence Secretary, announced in the village of La Cavalerie that the Larzac military camp was to be enlarged.

At that time, the Larzac plateau was inhabited mostly by farmers who supplied the Roquefort cheese factories with sheep’s milk and the Millau workshops with leather for making gloves.

Since the creation of the camp in 1902, relations between farmers and soldiers had been quite good. The military camp had always been a profitable business for the shopkeepers of La Cavalerie since most of their customers were soldiers.

south of france history occitania — Photo: APAL

Here you can see the extent of the military camp (“Etat actuel”), and the planned expansion (“Extension envisagée”) into the Larzac. The total extension was of 14,000 hectares, from 3,000 to 17,000 hectares.

The planned expansion threatened farmers by expropriating 109 farms where 90,000 sheep, grazing on the plateau, produced 2.3 million litres of milk. In addition, the expansion of the military camp would affect dozens of French communities and one sixth of the 100,000 hectares of the Larzac.

By the beginning of the 1970s, the southern part of the Aveyron département was becoming depopulated, so the French army and government presumed that the expansion of the military camp would be a mere formality.

However, except for the shopkeepers of La Cavalerie, opposition was total. The farmers were deeply offended that the French government had neither negotiated nor consulted with them beforehand. The battle for the territory had begun.

The French army justified the decision on the grounds that the increasing mechanisation of military units, the larger size of guns and the significant increase in the speed of tanks made it necessary to have larger manoeuvring areas.

In this article I will tell you about a titanic struggle that lasted for ten long years. That’s a long time! The tenacity of the people of Larzac encouraged me to tell you this story.

Without this relentless fight for the Larzac, most of the roads and paths that form part of the Larzac bike tour would now be within the perimeter of the new military camp, in other words, inaccessible. I am very grateful to all these farmers, only two of whom I know.

If you come to discover Larzac one day, you will understand what I mean.

Map of the Fight for the Larzac

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The Fight for the Larzac.

1971. The Fight for the Larzac begins

After Defence Secretary André Fanton’s communiqué in October 1970 (expansion of the military camp), the farmers guessed what was coming.
In January, they created the Association pour la sauvegarde du Larzac et de son environment (Association for the Protection of Larzac and its Environment). The association published a book with accurate numbers and data showing that Larzac was a flourishing and expanding agricultural area and not the desert describred by the Ministry of Defence in the media.

During the summer, many young people (mainly conscientious objectors to France’s mandatory military draft) arrived in Larzac in search of work that would allow them to put down roots and take part in the fight against the expansion of the camp.
Pierre Laur was the only Roquefort cheese producer to take action. In November, he bought a page in the newspaper Le Monde, where he placed the advertisement “Aidez-nous à sauver le Sud-Aveyron” (“Help us save the South of the Aveyron”). Without the milk of the Larzac sheep, there would be no Roquefort cheese.

The fight for the Larzac | south of france occitania — Demonstration in front of the Millau sous-préfecture. Photo: APAL

Also in November, the first departmental demonstration took place: 6,000 people marched in Millau: striking factory workers, farmers from Larzac, Maoists, Occitans, left-wing groups, left-wing parties and trade unionists, pacifists, priests, bishops, among others. This diversity would be a constant in the fight for the Larzac.
On the 28^th of December the Maoists blew up the helicopter that was located outside the entrance to the military camp.

1972

visiting the South of France occitania — From left to right, Jean-Marie Muller, Lanza del Vasto and Jacques Pâris de Bollardière on the Larzac. Photo: APAL

“Comités d’Action Larzac” (“Larzac Committees“) spread all over France, and there were even committees in Germany, Rome and New York.
In February, François Mitterrand, then deputy for Nièvre, first expressed his support for the farmers’ cause. As we shall see, Mitterrand played a decisive role in the outcome of the fight.

On the 19^th of March, Lanza del Vasto, founder of the L’Arche community in Borie-Noble (south of Larzac), began a 15-day hunger strike at La Cavalerie. Lanza del Vasto was a non-violence activist and philosopher who became a charismatic leader of the fight. This was in contrast to the Maoists, anarchists, syndicalists, who were in favour of the opposite. The farmers were always against violence

A man of deep Christian faith, he looked like a guru and had the air of a patriarch with his huge white beard. The farmers were impressed by his appearance, charisma and personality and trusted him.

Before the end of March, the bishops of Montpellier and Rodez joined Lanza de Vasto’s fast for one day. The media coverage was enormous, amplified by television and the press. The fight became popular.

Some 103 of the 109 farmers involved pledged never to leave their land. This act became known as “the oath of the 103“. The myth of the Larzac farmers was born.
In summer, an information centre opened in a sheep’s stable – jasse in Occitan, bergerie in French – by the roadside, where the farmers and workers of Millau passed on information about the fight to anyone who came along. Today, this jasse is the main information centre of the Larzac. I bought a few books there in May 2022, when I was on my last research trip for the creation of the Larzac mountain bike tour.

South of France trip occitania — Sheep under the Eiffel Tower. Photo: APAL

On the 29^th of July a concert by Georges Moustaki, Paco Ibáñez and Jackie Mouton attracted 3,000 people to Les Baumes farm.
On the 25^th of October, 60 sheep were taken at night to the foot of the Eiffel Tower to graze for two hours. The message “Nous sauverons le Larzac” (We will save the Larzac) was painted on thesheep. They became the stars of the French press. Paris Match, for example, devoted several pages to the event.

In December, on the initiative of non-violent, pro-Larzac groups, a campaign to withhold 3% of an income tax that the 103 believed the French government was using to finance the army was launched. The money not paid to the French government was used to finance protests.

1973

On the 7^th of January, 25 tractors set off from the Hôpital-du-Larzac farm with the aim of reaching Paris in six days.

The French authorities were determined to prevent them from reaching the capital at all cost. Moreover, the 103 did not get the help they expected from the National Federation of Agricultural Unions, and eventually had no choice but to enter Paris by bus.

The planned meeting finally took place at the Bourse de Travail (labour council) in Paris. Around 50 political, trade union and environmental organisations took part.

Despite all the difficulties, the march on Paris was a success because of the media coverage it received.

On the 10^thof June, the unauthorised construction of a bergerie began in the hamlet of La Blaquière. The laying of the first stone became a festival attended by 3,000 people. We pass through this hamlet during the 3rd stage of our mountain bike tour in the Larzac.

One hundred volunteers worked during the summer, supervised by several experts, although their number dropped to 30 during the rest of the year. The bergerie took two years to complete.

Meetings were held all over France in preparation for the big summer gathering, which finally took place at the Rajal-del-Gorp on the 25^th and 26^th of August. The Rajal is a group of strangely shaped dolomite rocks (chaos ruiniforme in French) located next to the main road through Larzac.

The Rajal-del-Gorp became one of the symbols of the fight for the Larzac. For two days, rallies and concerts took place until nightfall. The event attracted between 60,000 and 80,000 people from all over France, a huge success that exceeded the Ministry of the Interior’s forecasts.

In November, the first Groupement Foncier Agricole (GFA) was set up to buy land from landlords who wanted to get rid of it instead of selling it on to the army. Anyone living in Larzac could buy one or more shares for 1,000 francs and thus become a co-owner of a plot of land in Larzac. The 103 would eventually create up to four GFAs.
Larzac was famous throughout France and had become a symbol of local resistance to government authoritarianism. The attraction of the countryside for city dwellers (many of whome were from rural backgrounds) was growing as the cities became increasingly congested. The Larzac was viewed with sympathy.

1974

On the 3^rd of February, the banned bergerie at La Blaquière was inaugurated, becoming a symbol of civil disobedience and an example of original fundraising. The money came from the 3% of income tax that the 103 did not pay to the French state.
During 1974, the GFAs bought two farms:

– The Jassenove farm (92 hectares).

– The Costeraste farm (70 hectares), east of La Cavalerie

However, the 19^th of May was a bad day for the 103. Valéry Giscard d’Estaign, who was for the enlargement of the military camp, defeated François Mitterrand.
On the 17^thand 18^th of August, another mass rally was held in Rajal-del-Gorp. Over 100,000 people took part and 60,000 francs were collected and sent to Burkina Faso in December. The slogan of that year’s rally was “Le blé fait vivre, les armes font mourir” (“Wheat generates life, weapons kill”). It denounced the sale of arms to poor countries.

During the rally, François Mitterrand turned up without warning. Part of the crowd wanted to attack François, but he was protected by some of the farmers. Two hours after his arrival at the Rajal, Mitterrand “escaped” with scratches to La Blaquière, where he was treated. This fact was exploited by the extreme right and by those who considered Larzac to be a refuge for anarchists.

Among those protecting François Mitterrand was José Bové, a future MEP (Member of the European Parliament). José would later share that this meeting with Mitterrand created a very strong bond between them, a bond that would last forever.

On the 5^th of October, the first illegal occupation of a farm purchased by the army took place. Members of the pacifist community l’Arche entered the Truels farm.
In December, the former Saint-Martin du Larzac school became the coordination centre for all the Larzac Committees.

Not all the farmers agreed with the work of the groups that were part of the Larzac Committees or that had come from outside to help, such as the trade unionists, Maoists, pacifists, ecologists, Occitanists, and so on. But the 103 accepted their presence and appreciated their help despite their differences, because they knew that the population of the plateau was small and without numbers there was no strength. The problem was that some of these groups were in favour of violent action.
Before turning to 1975, I will digress for a moment.

My autumn trip to the Larzac Causse

southern france — The Larzac by mountain bike, an experience not to be missed

In October 2021, Susana, my partner, and I decided to cross the Larzac by mountain bike. For ten years, I’d been visiting the Larzac by car. But, there was something that caught my attention. I thought to myself, “I have to come here one day and ride my bike through these landscapes.”. The wild aspect of a forgotten place attracted me.

I spent part of the summer obsessively studying maps of the area, day after day.

I realised that I could create an interesting mountain bike tour, with low elevation gain, suitable for all those who want to cycle away from the crowds, on relatively easy tracks, in places where tradition has not yet been lost.

So, in October we loaded two bikes onto the 4×4 and set off for the Larzac.

We spent a week in Montredon, where there is a spacious and clean gîte d’étape. We were alone almost every day. Marie Valentin, who runs it, is charming. So is her husband, Philippe, who spent a lot of time showing us his garden.

Each day we cycled part of the 4-day route I had planned at home. I enjoyed it like never before. My dream of cycling the Larzac had finally come true.

One day, two members of the 103 group, Christian Roqueirol, who lives in Saint Sauveur du Larzac, and Joseph Pineau, who lives in Saint-Martin du Larzac, were giving a talk in the gîte to a group of French pensioners who had come to Montredon for a weekend to learn more about the fight for the Larzac.

Joseph took them to the most emblematic sites the next day. Susana and I joined them for dinner. This was followed by “Tous au Larzac”, a documentary in French. (This is only a summary. The full film is no longer available on YouTube).

Christian Roqueirol appears in it. (Another of the documentary’s protagonists, José Bové, lives in Montredon but was not present that day. José arrived in Montredon in 1973, when it was uninhabited. He settled there and is still there.)

After watching the documentary, it was time for questions and discussion. It was a special, magical moment. Joseph and Christian may be retired, but they are still vigilant. They don’t trust the army and are worried about the future of Larzac. They regret that the new generations of farmers have let their guard down.

Joseph, José and Christian commented on the Legion’s arrival in Larzac in this article published in Le Monde in September 2015.

The next day, Sunday, Joseph said goodbye to me in the Montredon car park. He wished me luck. I hope we will meet again one day.

1975: Year Five of the Fight for the Larzac

During 1975, a GFA bought the Marres land, 50 hectares north-east of the plateau.
While the army and the French government were still determined to expropriate the 103 farms, the farmers continued to improve the infrastructure of the Larzac to show that the plateau was still alive … and thriving.

In February, the French government began a detailed study of the land to be expropriated. As part of the process, documents were supposed to be available for consultation in the town halls, but the mayors closed them to prevent access. With the exception of La Cavalerie, l’Hôspitalet-du-Larzac and Millau, the local authorities were always on the side of the 103.
On the 10^th of March, an attack took place that marked a turning point in the fight. A bomb exploded in the Guiraud family home in la Blaquière. Furniture and interior walls were badly damaged. Fortunately, none of the ten people in the house (seven of them children) were injured. The perpetrators have never been found.

On the 30^th of March, more than 70 Larzac committees met at the Millau festival hall. This gives you an idea of the scale of the fight in just 5 years.

On the 6^thof June, the first issue of “Gardarem lo Larzac” (We will keep an eye on Larzac, in Occitan), was published. Gardarem lo Larzac is still being published!
In autumn, two farms owned by the army were taken over: Les Homs, located to the east of the plateau, and Le Cun near La Couvetoirade.

Intellectuals and artists support the Fight for the Larzac

Among them were Jean Ferrat, Théodore Monod, Bernard Clavel and Jean-Paul Sartre.

When the farmers first arrived in Paris, Jean-Paul Sartre greeted them and told them that “six years against the state is already a victory”.

Gérard Guérin’s film Lo Païs, inspired by the fight for the Larzac, was selected for the Cannes Film Festival in 1973, giving an idea of the growing interest in the plateau.

The singers included Claude Marti, Marie Rouanet and Patric, all of whom sang in Occitan. But the popularity of Larzac went beyond France: the New Zealander Graeme Allwright gave many concerts in support of the fight, to which he dedicated his song “Larzac 75”.

1976

In April the French State and the farmers held negotiations. The government tabled the idea of a “mini-expansion” of the camp. Some farmers seemed to see this proposal as a way out of the conflict, as long as no farmer was expelled from his or her land.
A commando raid took place on the 28^th of June that was to have many repercussions: 22 farmers and residents of the plateau entered the military camp camouflaged in a truck.

They discovered many contracts for the sale and purchase of land within the perimeter of the camp extension, confirming their suspicions: the army had been buying up land behind the scenes. The contracts were destroyed on the spot. Montredon, Sot and Cavaliès were among the farms sold.

That night, the police arrested the members of the commando. José Bové was among them.

The shopkeepers of La Cavalerie and those in favour of expanding the camp demonstrated in favour of the army. It was a fratricidal psychological war that tore some families apart. But those in favour of enlarging the camp were in the minority.
On the 17^th of July the army, fearing an occupation, used explosives to destroy the main buildings of a farm it had just bought: Capdase (Cap-d’Ase).
At the time, six farms bought by the army had already been occupied by farmers: Truels, Le Tournet, Montredon, Mares, Le Cun and La Salvetat. We visit the last two during the 3rd stage of our Larzac bike tour.

south of france holidays — All to Paris! Photo: APAL

However, the occupiers of Le Cun were evicted in October, as were those of La Cavaliès, which had been occupied three days earlier.

Also in October a GFA bought the Boissans farm (432 hectares), west of the main road that crossed the plateau.
It must be said that life on the farms was very hard for the squatters (young people who came to Larzac to become farmers). They had to start from scratch, with no running water or electricity, no money, no telephone, temperatures below freezing in winter and the daily threat of eviction or expropriation.
At the end of 1976, Janine Boubal occupied Combebren, the farm closest to the military camp. A teacher in Paris, she then worked as a shepherd. Although she lived alone, the soldiers who regularly harassed Janine did not deter her.

1977

The fight for the Larzac was a symbol of unity, although there were disagreements and rivalries among the 103. Few farmers attended meetings because debate was not in the DNA of many of them. Most farmers devoted little time and resources to the fight, limiting themselves to one-off actions. The few who were most involved were those with an acceptable level of culture and with workers under them to make up for their absence. Guy Tarlier was the leader.

In addition to the 103, other inhabitants of the plateau were involved in the fight: craftsmen, artists and those who worked outside the plateau (mainly in Millau).

A mobilisation like the one in Larzac hides a multitude of thankless tasks that had to be carried out almost every day: designing and putting up posters and information leaflets, publishing the newspaper, welcoming visitors, informing them about the fight, expelling soldiers who had left the camp, training and welcoming people who came to help, etc..
In April, a GFA bought La Tune farm (77 hectares) east of la Cavalerie.
On the 13^th and 14^th of August, 50,000 people gathered at the Rajal-del-Gorp. The 103 wanted to bring Larzac back into the French limelight and at the same time remind the public that the issue had not yet been resolved.

The meeting, with a strong environmentalist tone, ended with the invasion of the military camp by 90 tractors, closely followed by the crowd.

On the 20^th of October the first betrayal within the 103 took place: a farmer from the group sold his farm to the army and left (he could have sold it to a GFA!). Le Pinel became the fifth farm occupied by the army 24 hours a day, 365 days a year.
One day later, a farmer from Pierrefiche occupied the farm of Lasmayou.
At the end of November, another betrayal took place within the 103. Eight farmers from the group signed a land exchange agreement (15 hectares) with the army. The 103 were reduced to 94, although they would continue to be called 103. The unity of the 103 was being eroded over time. In addition to these 15 hectares, the mayor of La Cavalerie had already sold 900 hectares to the army.
To drive a wedge between the farmers and the squatters, representatives of the French state visited each squatted farm in turn. In some cases, they arrived with a briefcase full of banknotes (4,000 francs at the time), which they offered to the squatters in exchange for leaving. It must be said that no one took the bait.

1978

1978 was a very difficult year for the farmers. The fight intensified and reached unprecedented levels of tension.
In February, a GFA bought 56 hectares in Pierrefiche, and in May the farmers occupied the Bénéfire farm.

Legislative elections were held in France in March. The result was bad for the farmers: the right wing won. For the government representatives in Aveyron (les élus), it was no longer a question of questioning the expansion of the military camp, but of getting as much of the cake as possible. The 103 found themselves increasingly alone.
On the 30^th of September, all the Larzac committees met to organise coordinated actions throughout France. The protest on the 8^th of October was impressive. Approximately 5,000 people and 150 tractors from Aveyron and Lozère cultivated the land bought by the army on the farms le Pinel, Tournet, Sot and Montredon.

On the 25^th of October, a collective hunger strike began in the church of Saint-Séverin in Paris. The four original farmers were joined by General Jacques de Bollardière, Abbot Jean Toulat, Lanza del Vasto and Jean-Marie Muller (of the movement for a non-violent alternative). François Mitterrand visited them and told them to resist (“Tenez bon“).
The 28^th of October became the national day of support for Larzac. There were demonstrations in 104 French cities and many abroad. It was a resounding success.

the history of southern france occitania — Photo: APAL

On the 8^th of November 20 farmers and inhabitants of Larzac set off on a 710 km march in 25 stages between La Blaquière and Paris. They were in the press almost every day. It was their biggest media success to date.

They arrived in Paris on the 2^nd of December. Despite the ban on entering the city, 40,000 people accompanied them between the Porte d’Orléans and the Porte d’Italie. In the evening there was a big party at the University of Vincennes. François Mitterrand received five farmers and bought shares in a GFA.

The next day, the farmers met with the head of the Ministry of Defence. He told them that the expansion of the military camp would be completed before the end of the year. The farmers left the meeting shaken and deeply divided about what to do next. José Bové, the leader of the group, rejected the government’s demands out of hand.

The 103 were reluctant to allow newcomers to Larzac (squatters) to settle on land that could be used as a bargaining chip in negotiations to expand the military camp. On the other hand, the local farmers were fervent Catholics, while the newcomers were the opposite. This led to tensions.

The newcomers, who had occupied farms and worked them under very difficult conditions, wanted to take part in the meetings of the 103. Feeling excluded, they decided to create an organisation to represent them: the CCJA (Cantonal Centre for Young Farmers).

1979

south of france holidays occitania — Rajal-del-Gorp. Photo: APAL

A referendum was held in Millau on the 22^th of February: 88% of the people of Millau voted against the expansion of the camp.
On the 24^th of April, La Cavalerie received its first visit from Judge Grenet, who was in charge of evaluating the land to be expropriated. The judge could not leave the police cordon for a while. Finally, under pressure from the farmers, the judge took refuge in the Millau police station.

On the 16^th and 17^th of May, the judge returned, this time to l’Hospitalet-du-Larzac, but he was harassed as he had been during his visit to La Cavalerie.

In the summer, hundreds of volunteers spent part of their holidays on the plateau, helping to repair telephone lines, communication routes, buildings, etc.
On the 11^th of October, the military put its proposal on the table: 67 farms would remain as they were, 21 would be reclassified, but the proposed expansion was still 14,000 hectares. Obviously, the 103 did not accept.
In December, the expropriating judge returned to Larzac four times, but farmers prevented him from visiting La Blaquèrerie, Pierrefiche, Potensac, La Blaquière, Saint-Martin du Larzac and Creissels. Once he had to take a helicopter for his “visit”.

But it was not only the people of Larzac who made life difficult for the judge. The mayors closed the buildings, forcing the judge to conduct interviews in the open air.

Meanwhile, the legal battles continued. There were trials against people who had returned their military passbooks, or who had refused to pay 3% income tax, or who had built a building without permission, etc. etc.

1980

southern france holidays occitania — Lanza del Vasto died 4 months before the end of the fight for the Larzac. His ideals were the same as Gandhi's. Photo: APAL

During the summer, the plateau was once again filled with hundreds of volunteers. Among the works carried out: the extension of the telephone network and water pipes to cover more farms, the construction of cisterns and a cultural centre on the future military railway line of L’Hospitalet-du-Larzac.
On the 20^th of October the government began a new study (enquête paracellaire) of the land to be expropriated. The study was due to be completed on 5 December.

The mayor of La Couvertoirade, Jacques Dupont, and the mayor of La Roque-Sainte-Marguerite closed their town halls in order not to cooperate: the police blew out the doors of the town halls and Jacques was suspended from his duties for the duration of the study.

In October, Defence Minister Joël Le Theule set December as the deadline for reaching an overall agreement. The Ministry of Defence was prepared to reduce the size of the camp by a ridiculous 0.8% (115 hectares). The army’s Machiavellian plan was to save the farms of the leaders of the fight and “expel” the rest.

But on the 14^th of December Le Theule died of a heart attack. Paul Bernard, then prefect of Aveyron, had to resume negotiations with a new minister. This was good news for the 103, who could now buy time.

On the 27^th of November, the farmers made a big splash in the media; 74 inhabitants of Larzac (including José Bové) set up tents under the Eiffel Tower in Paris. For five days, sheep grazed around the tower, children went to a school in Paris and some Parisians lent the farmers their bathrooms.
After ten years, the farmers of Larzac were still occupying their land. One of the keys to their success was the good legal advice of the judge Louis Joinet, co-founder of the Syndicat de la magistrature, who had been involved in the struggle since 1972.
After a decade of struggle, the rest of the population of Aveyron became increasingly indifferent to the issue, seeing the farmers’ actions as the excesses of the political left. The National Federation of Agricultural Unions and the Church also moved in the same direction. The farmers were increasingly on their own.

In addition, a growing number of the 103 supported the negotiations. These were the “purs porcs” (the name given to the farmers who lived on the Larzac before the fighting began). They were prepared to sacrifice the farms in the north-east of the plateau – where the new farmers (squatters) had settled – in order to save their own farms and those in the north-west.

1981: The Fight for the Larzac ends

The Ministry of Defence held a meeting attended only by representatives of the French government in Aveyron (“les élus“, as they are called in French). An agreement was signed which, in brief, stated that the camp would be extended by 14,000 hectares, 10,490 of which had already been acquired by the army during ten years of fighting. Some farms would be spared, but most would be “levelled”. Les élus signed the agreement because they had sold out to the government. The unity of the movement against the expansion of the camp was shaken. For many, the end was near.

The Larzac Committees, opposed to the agreement just signed, believed that the fight for the Larzac was not limited to a confrontation between the army and a group of farmers.

The last ticket left for the 103 was for François Mitterrand to defeat Giscard d’Estaing in the presidential election. On the 10^th of May, the whole of Larzac was glued to the television. Fear was at its height. The future of many people depended on what happened that day.

At 20:00, François Mitterrand’s face appeared on the screen: he had won. An explosion of joy shook Larzac. People came out of their houses.

After a few days of “partying”, the 103 found themselves in a state of anxiety: what if Mitterrand did not keep his promises?

south of france vacation — La Cavalerie preserves interesting fortifications

But on the 3^rd of June, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, the Larzac expansion project was cancelled. It was over! Larzac received calls from all over the world. Ten years of struggle and anguish had paid off.

On the 7^th of June, the soldiers left all the farms they had occupied since 1976-77: Cavaliès, le Tournet, le Cun, La Salvetat and Le Pinel. Before leaving, however, they cut the electricity cables, filled the water tanks with rubbish, etc.

In La Cavalerie (900 inhabitants), the cancellation of the camp’s extension left a bitter taste. The 42 shopkeepers in the village were so furious that they plotted to burn down the 103 farms, although they were eventually dissuaded.

End note

the history of southern france — Mountain biking: the best way to discover the Larzac

Thanks to the sacrifices of so many people, we can now walk or cycle through most of the Larzac without encountering tanks or guns. It must be said that the army still occupies the 3000 hectares it had before 1970.

Farmers have been able to continue their lives without losing their homes or their land. Finally, Larzac is now part of a nature reserve: the Parc Naturel régional des Grands Causses.

This article is the result of many hours of study and reading. I hope you have found what happened in Larzac interesting.

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Don’t forget to book our bike tour in the Larzac, the best way to discover this fantastic area of Occitania.

Emblematic sites and organizations in the Fight for the Larzac

The bergerie at La Blaquière

La Blaquière, a hamlet coveted by the French army at the time, was the site of an illegal bergerie built during the years of fighting. This was a milestone that would be difficult to surpass. The work was supervised by a priest and financed by 3% of the income tax that many Larzac residents no longer paid to the French government.

On the rocks that form the walls of the bergerie, you can still see inscriptions from those days: a sheep, Occitan, Breton and anarchist symbols, the cardabelle (the Larzac logo), the Templar cross, etc.

La Blaquière was attacked without casualties, further increasing its popularity.

The Larzac Committees

The fight for the Larzac | occitania southern france — One of the many posters distributed by the Larzac committees. Photo: APAL

Without them, the 103 would not have won. At the height of the battle (1980), they numbered 150. This shows the extent of the movement at the time.

They were very diverse: leftists, trade unionists, anti-militarists, mainly conscientious objectors to France’s mandatory military draft, Third Worldists, Christians, anarchists, Occitanis, pacifists, etc..

Their headquarters was the old school in Saint-Martin-du-Larzac and their coordinator was Joseph Pineau, with whom I had the pleasure of speaking during my stay in Montredon .

They always refused to cede a metre of land to the army, and always distrusted the French government. Their role in organising major events such as the Rajal-del-Gorp was decisive.

The Larzac committees did a commendable job in their localities; they showed films, organised debates and lectures, distributed leaflets, put up posters, etc., almost every week.

The farm l’Hôpital

Despite its name, it is not next to a hospital. It belonged to the Burguière family, Léon Burguière, his wife and their 6 children, who came to Larzac in 1952. The farm they built was a model for its time: modern, technologically advanced and the largest on the plateau.

In the early 1970s, he had an indispensable tool in the fight: a phone box. Witness to hundreds of conversations, the French police had to produce miles of magnetic tape to record all the calls that passed through it.

On the 4^th of July 1972, 72 tractors left this farm for Rodez, where they arrived at a speed of 15 km/h. Quite a blockade.

In addition, on the evening of 24 October 1972, 60 sheep were loaded onto a lorry which arrived in Paris in the morning, escorted by private cars. The sheep grazed under the Eiffel Tower.

The GFA

The Groupement Fonciers Agricoses played a key role in the success of the fight. Four of them were created.

The idea came from Léon Burguière. The GFA introduced a legal, non-violent method of struggle. Their aim was to acquire land through share ownership, so that the owner of a piece of land was not one person but many, so making the eventual expropriation as difficult as possible for the bureaucracy.

The aim was to collectivise the land the army needed to expand the military camp.

In order to expropriate a piece of land bought by a GFA, the French state had to obtain the consent of all the people who held shares in the GFA. But often the shares in a GFA had been bought by hundreds of people, some of whom lived as far away as Argentina. I think it was a great idea.

Montredon

Montredon is an hameau (hamlet) at an altitude of over 850 metres. Peace and tranquillity reign there. Only 20 people live there all year round.

Montredon had been abandoned years before the fight began. Its proximity to the military camp made it a strategic point where there were constant clashes between farmers and the military, who longed for Montredon.

When the fight began, it was soon occupied by two families who raised sheep and goats.

On our bike tour in the Larzac, we stay at the fabulous gîte d’étape in Montredon, where we enjoy a delicious dinner carefully prepared by Marie Valentin.

Rajal-del-Gorp

Le Rajal del Gòrp, in Occitan. Rajal comes from Rajar (to run – water) and Gòrp is a crow.

If there is one place that will forever remain in the memory of those who lived through those years, it is this amphitheatre of strange rocks (chaos ruiniforme), located between Millau and La Cavalerie, near the main road that links the two villages.

Its 170 hectares are a combination of chaotic rocks and heathland, where boxwood and juniper grow, and where sheep have grazed since the Middle Ages. El Rajal is hot in summer and very cold in winter, when the wind whips it.

The Rajal was the site of the great summer festivals of Larzac, the first of which took place in 1973. The largest of these gathered up to 100,000 people (August 1974).

A wide range of protests converged there, and the political spectrum was very broad: a left that ranged from Christian Democrats to the far left, Occitan nationalists, pacifists and Third Worldists.

Nowadays there is a circular trail (yellow markings) that allows you to see the main parts of the Rajal in about 40 minutes.

La Jasse

The Jasse became the headquarters of the 103. Its vaulted ceiling was the scene of heated meetings where agreements were not always easy to reach.

During major events in Larzac, it served as a “tourist office”. The inhabitants of Larzac and members of the Larzac Committee would inform thousands of passing tourists of the disaster that was the expansion of the military camp.

All sorts of souvenirs were sold there to finance the fight.

The Jasse is still open today. It is a big shop where you can find all kinds of local products, tourist information etc. I bought books there on my last trip (May 2022).

Bibliography

– Larzac : De la lutte paysanne à l’altermondialisme, Pierre-Marie Terral.

– 1971-1981 Larzac le combat d’un territoire. Claude Baillon. Joseph Pineau.

– Many photos of the Fight for the Larzac were provided by APAL (Association pour l’Aménagement du Larzac)

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